SwiftRiver Beta Released from Ushahidi on Vimeo.

They were already famous with Ushahidi, but now they did even more with SwiftRiver.

As stated on the official website swiftly.org “SwiftRiver is an open source intelligence gathering platform which powers a number of different applications”.

SwiftRiver lets users…

• Manage realtime data streams (e.g. RSS, SMS, Twitter, Email)
• Identify relationships between content (e.g. email and tweets)
• Set parameters to auto-filter incoming feeds
• Curate content based on preferences 

Source: whiteafrican.com, swiftly.org

Reforms in the Ivorian telecommunications sector have seen the country’s telecom industry transforming into one of the most liberal in Africa. Although high import tariffs on telecoms equipment and taxes by various authorities constitute a major burden on investors and operators. The country presently has five operational mobile networks with an additional player licensed to join soon.
The Ivorian mobile market is expected to break the 50% penetration barrier by 2011, but subscriber growth is expected to slow to 20% at the same time and the average revenue per user (ARPU) continues to fall.
According to Dammy Olarinde, Country Director & Head International Operations of SWAP CI:
“This is a very exciting time for the mobile industry in Cote d’Ivoire, which is set for rapid growth. We are open for business now and ready with our extensive expertise and local experience to partner further with mobile operators.
We’ll manage their towers and help them rapidly roll out new sites so that they can focus on their customers whilst reaping the compelling economic benefits of tower sharing without having to make any additional capital expenditure.”
SWAP is an African-focused tower company that owns, builds, manages and maintains telecom towers for mobile operators.
Mr. Dammy added further that “With a population of 21 million and a vibrant mobile market, with 9 million subscribers and five competing mobile operators, Cote d’Ivoire is one of the most attractive markets in francophone West Africa for a tower sharing business. We are delighted to have established the country’s first independent tower company.
“Mobile operators across Africa are seeking to reduce the cost of network roll-out. Tower sharing can help them to reduce their asset base, CAPEX and operating costs, allowing them to focus on increasing their coverage and the roll-out of new services to customers.
In SWAP we also focus on build-to-suit by either picking the appropriate location or finding the right location to meet an operators needs. SWAP will build the tower to host the operator’s communications equipment in the shortest possible time. Our goal is to facilitate getting the operators’ sites on air as quickly as possible while minimizing the capital expenditure related to sites, maintain network design integrity and expedite time-to-market.”

Source: itnewsafrica.com

Rome 31 August 2010

· Migration is a global challenge that requires an active approach.

Throughout human history, migration has been a courageous expression of the individual’s will to overcome adversity and to live a better life. Yet I believe that we need to change –if not completely – our traditional way of thinking about migration as a world of loss and sorrow. In Italy, in particular, we have been holding an open debate on immigration for years now. This is most likely because our country’s history has traditionally been linked to the phenomenon of emigration and it is only fairly recently that we have had to face immigration issues. For a long time we have seen immigration essentially as a tragic phenomenon that involved the world’s poorest people. We felt morally obliged to provide assistance and support to these people once they had reached terra incognita, regardless of any evaluation of whether they had respected the legal migration procedures or of the social impact of their influx.

I believe that, without betraying our traditions, we need to shift from a somewhat passive approach, where we see immigration solely in terms of poverty and distress, to a positive approach, where we see inward migration in terms of an ultimately enriching experience. We can only make this shift if we adopt an active and comprehensive approach to migration in order to respond to this global challenge.

· International migration is an inescapable and vast phenomenon.

According to the UN, there are more than 200 million migrant workers throughout the world, 31 million of whom legally reside in the territory of the European Union. Migrants legally residing in Italy (about 4 million people) now account for 7.1% of the population. These figures are too large to warrant a passive or individualistic approach: a single state cannot cope with such onerous figures.

This is particularly true in the European Union, where we have created an area that envisages the free movement of people. And it is especially true in Italy, given our geographical location as a bridge between two continents.

When migrants land on the shores of Sicily they can easily move on: to Austria, say, and then to Germany and the Netherlands. The issue does not stop at Italy’s borders: it becomes European.

Of course, this does not mean that we want to unload our problems onto Brussels or onto our other partners. It just means that, whereas a common response would enable us to grasp the great potential benefits of migration, any one state, left alone, could be submerged by it. In other words, we need to develop an active, common approach.

· Migration requires us to have a political debate

Today, more than ever, a national and passive attitude towards immigration is not consistent with the fact that this phenomenon has become one of the most complex issues in international politics. Immigration is a subject that divides public opinion, and one of the most visible challenges posed by globalisation.

However, it would be unrealistic to avoid holding the crucial debate on this matter or to overlook the much-needed solutions just because it is a divisive topic. Actually, if well managed, migration is one area where our citizens will clearly see the added value of a proactive response.

· Migration enriches both countries of origin and destination countries

We need to look at migration as an enrichment of today’s world, not as a threat. Indeed, both countries of origin and destination countries largely profit from migration.

(1) In destination countries, migrant workers contribute to economic growth by meeting the demand for workers, increasing the demand for goods and services and developing their entrepreneurial skills.

The United States is the best historical example of how a great nation can be built upon immigration. Italians were not only appreciated for their diligence as workers but were also given a chance to be integrated in American society and to expand and enrich American civilization. In the US the flows of migrant workers have successfully continued ever since. They have recently made valuable contributions to the expansion of information technology industries. Silicon Valley would not be what it is today without the enormous role played by clever and enterprising immigrants, foreign-born scientists and engineers.

In Italy, around 8% of our national GDP can be attributed to migrant workers. Moreover, labour and skills shortages are already noticeable in a number of sectors – and are likely to increase. At the same time, Italy’s indigenous population is set to decline in the next few decades, making immigration the main ingredient for demographic growth. The long-term sustainability of our welfare system largely depends, therefore, on the permanent employment of migrants.

(2) Countries of origin also receive significant gains from migration. Migrant workers contribute to their countries’ development by alleviating pressures on labour markets, sending remittances home, acquiring new and improved skills, and making investments – all of which help to reduce poverty.

Remittances provide the most tangible link between migration and development: a relationship that has gained importance since the economic crisis. In fact, remittances are proving to be one of the more resilient elements of the global economy during the current downturn, and are likely to play a large and important role in the recovery of many developing countries. To ensure that these funds move easily and efficiently around the globe, governments should attempt to make remittances as cheap and accessible as possible.

That is why, under the Italian G8 Presidency, the G8 leaders approved an initiative to halve the average transaction costs for migrant remittances.

Today, a growing number of skilled immigrants return to their home countries. Even those who stay in their host countries often become part of transnational communities that link those countries to the economies of distant lands. Migrants’ long-distance networks enhance opportunities for entrepreneurship, investment, and trade, in both their countries of origin and of destination.

· Integration is the answer to immigration

Integration is the best tool to enable us to seize the many and diverse benefits of migration. Legal migrant workers are a crucial component of the competitiveness of both their home and destination countries, but it will not be possible to realise their full potential unless they are given opportunities to integrate into their host society.

For this reason, legal migration and integration are inseparable and should mutually reinforce each other. Integration can only be achieved by protecting the rights of legal migrant workers and tackling illegal immigration. These are two sides of the same coin.

It cannot be emphasised enough that, unless effective measures are taken to combat illegal immigration, the credibility of the legal immigration policy we are working together to shape will be irreparably undermined.

That is why it is in the interests of destination countries to pursue integration between migrant and resident workers, by preventing illegal immigration. Migrants without the right of residence are unable to access the benefits of migration, as their irregular status excludes them from labour and social rights.

That is why we actively participate at EU level in developing partnerships with third countries. These consist of mobility packages designed to better manage migration flows and, in particular, to fight illegal migration, in exchange for enhanced possibilities of access to the EU in the form of legal migration opportunities.

That is why we have strongly supported the establishment of the European Asylum Support Office, which will play a crucial role in improving the implementation of the Common European Asylum System.

That is why we have supported the Stockholm Programme, which gives us appropriate guidelines on how to better promote legal migration and achieve closer integration. We also support the idea of an EU Immigration Code, as indicated in the Programme.

This approach calls for concerted efforts from countries of origin, transit and destination, and for linkages between security and development policies. However, these policies can be successful only if migrants enjoy legal status and have the wherewithal for a decent existence.

· Migrant workers’ rights

Unfortunately, there are still employers who are surprised to find, when they consider hiring migrant workers, that they are dealing with human beings. It should be stressed that as far as fundamental rights are concerned, we are absolutely steadfast in not accepting any compromise. We cannot tolerate any violation of human rights, the protection of which has been the guiding principle of Italian foreign policy.

Italy remains respectful of migrant workers, shunning mere economic exploitation and, instead, placing human dignity at the centre of its endeavours. Italian law guarantees legal migrant workers the same rights as Italian workers, without requiring any condition of reciprocity.

Therefore, legal migrant workers are entitled to the fundamental workers’ rights, such as the human right to freedom from discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, sex or religion. They are entitled to equality before the law and equal protection by the law, to safe and healthy working conditions, and reasonable working hours. We must ensure that migrant workers are not paid lower wages than national workers for the same work, and that they are paid all the wages due to them.

As regards retirement pensions, non-EU migrant workers enjoy rights that are not even granted to Italian citizens. They can apply for a pension once they are 65 years old, regardless of any reciprocity agreement with their country of origin. They are not required to have a minimum number of contribution years (a requirement that does apply to Italian workers).

Moreover, protecting the rights of migrant workers provides an additional benefit to destination countries by preventing the development of an unprotected underclass of migrant workers. Restricting migrants’ rights may, on the contrary, generate significant social costs, especially if the restrictions are long-term and lead to the emergence of a large group of second-class residents.

· Co-operation with countries of origin and transit to tackle illegal migration

Measures to combat illegal immigration should be implemented at the beginning of the migration chain. Such measures consist of more open international trade of goods and services; the promotion of peace, political stability, human rights and democratic principles; and the sustainable economic, social and environmental development of the countries of origin. We are all aware, though, that these noble goals are not always easy to achieve.

Therefore, in the fight against illegal immigration it is also extremely important to be able to rely on the cooperation of the countries of origin and of transit. Examples of such cooperation are our long-standing collaboration with Mediterranean countries such as Egypt and Algeria and the more recent agreements signed by the Italian government with countries such as Libya, Nigeria, Niger, Ghana, Gambia and Senegal. Thanks to the implementation of these agreements, especially those with Libya, the inflow of illegal workers has been significantly reduced (in the first quarter of this year fewer than 150 illegal migrants reached Italy’s shores, while in the same period of 2009 the figures were thirty times higher!).

At the same time, we have intensified our investigative efforts in order to apprehend those responsible for smuggling and trafficking human beings. We have also set up toll-free telephone hotlines to make it possible to report cases of trafficking immediately and to help the victims of the criminal organisations involved.

Moreover, those employers who prefer to hire migrant workers without regard to the law must be harshly punished because we cannot tolerate any form of human exploitation. Nor can we accept unfair competition against those honest entrepreneurs who do abide by the law. For this reason, we have introduced harsher sanctions for those who employ illegal migrants and for landlords who lease to illegal residents.

In this context, I would also like to mention the EU directive on common standards and procedures forreturning illegally staying third country nationals. It allows us to organize the return of illegal migrants by establishing common standards guaranteeing thatthey are returned with full respect for their dignity and human rights. Joint return operations constitute also an important tool for the efficient implementation of the return policy of the Union in full respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the person subject to removal. These are key meansof establishing our credibility and seriousness in the fight against human trafficking and exploitation of illegal migrants. In the fight, I would add, against “21st century slavery”.

· The role of information is fundamental

The best line of protection for migrants before they leave home is to create a migration channel for workers that is fair, open, transparent and legal. And we can do this by providing realistic and accurate information.

Potential migrant workers should be adequately trained before leaving their home countries to allow them a greater chance of being integrated in their destination societies. They should be thoroughly informed about the risks posed by unscrupulous recruiters, traffickers in human beings and the dangers of migrating under irregular conditions.

To provide more and better information for potential migrant workers and to better train them in the lead-up to their arrival to Italy, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has financed overseas projects aimed at protecting children from the dangers of illegal migration (“SALEM – Solidarité Avec les Enfants du Maroc”) and training potential migrants (“Migration and return. Resources for development”). Together with Libya and Morocco, we have implemented a project (“Prometeo”) designed to prevent the trafficking of human beings across the Mediterranean Sea. A similar project has been financed in Egypt by the Ministry of Labour. The latter has also funded projects in a “circular migration” context. This scheme provides training in Italy for people from certain countries of origin, such as Moldova, the aim being for them to put their learned skills to good use on their return home. Training courses on specific sectors of our domestic legislation are financed by the Ministry of Interior to the benefit of Chinese entrepreneurs based in Italy.

We have also introduced priority channels in the processing of employment-based visas and permits for migrants who have attended training courses.

· An Italian model of integration.

As F.D. Roosevelt said: “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself”. Unreasonable, unjustified fear sometimes paralyzes us and prevents us from making the efforts needed to convert constructive ideas and proposals into advanced rules and models.

A spirit of alarm may be spread by those people who see migration merely through the magnifying glass of security concerns (which cannot, of course, be ignored). They fail to grasp the benefits that the other side of the medal may generate: integration achieved through better governance of the migration process.

However, if we want to succeed with our integration policy, we cannot merely pay lip service to the principles of responsibility and the rule of law. We need to recognise the importance of effectively implementing these principles, by requiring migrant workers to abide by the law and to fulfil the basic principles of the society they live in – just as we do ourselves.

In other words, we have to combine our traditional welcoming spirit with the firmness needed to safeguard the respect for legality, for our fundamental values and for our civilisation. In this way, we can develop an Italian model of integration that adequately addresses the various challenges posed by migration.

· A new mindset to tackle immigration.

As a first step towards a new model of integration, we need to allay people’s fears and prejudices about legal immigration while tackling the phenomenon of illegal immigration. These are, as I have said, two sides of the same coin.

Integration itself is a two way process. Legal migrants must see their rights recognised and their duties assigned. As a matter of fact, the acquisition of rights goes hand in hand with the acceptance of duties. If migrants want to be fully integrated in our societies they have to abide by the law, learn the local language and respect our values such as human rights, women’s rights and even the duty to send children to school. They should also get acquainted with both our traditions and cultural heritage. In other words, legal migrants should not only restrain themselves from pursuing aggressive strategies against the fundamental values of the destination country but they also have to acquire the necessary cultural and social means in order to actively interact with local people. This is the only way to be involved in the society they live in and to share its goals. I believe that we can succeed in our integration policies only if we manage to reconcile the recognition for the rights of the legal migrants with the respect for the social order and values of the host country.

In the case of illegal migrants, the principles that must inspire our actions are the following:

(1) We must always bear in mind that the life and dignity of human beings is at stake. The utmost respect, therefore, for migrants’ fundamental rights is essential. Any refoulement, or return, of illegal immigrants must take place with due respect for this principle and for the European rules.

(2) We must continue to take in true refugees, i.e. those fleeing from war and persecution. However, we must ask that they be redistributed among the EU member states, initially on a voluntary, and eventually on an obligatory, basis.

(3) We must be as rigorous as possible in hunting down and punishing the criminals behind the trafficking in human beings, the true slave-traders of the 21st century, and in tightening up controls at our external borders.

(4) We must work on cooperation with transit countries and on the prevention of illegal immigration by fostering economic development in immigrants’ countries of origin, as Italy has done by making Africa one of the priorities of its G8 Presidency.

· Facilitating the arrival of skilled workers

On the face of the international economic downturn, it is still in our interest to lure the best human capital. All skills levels are needed, but the real challenge is to attract the workers needed to fill specific gaps.

I believe that it would be a win-win solution to adopt initiatives to attract skilled workers such as a fast-track procedure for the admission of highly qualified workers, potential investors and students.

With this goal in mind, the EU has adopted a new scheme, the so-called “blue card”, which I had proposed in my previous position. The “blue card” aims to make Europe a magnet for highly-skilled migrants by facilitating conditions of entry to the EU.

Concerns that skilled immigrants displace native workers need to be weighed against the fact that foreign-born engineers, for example, may start new businesses and generate jobs and wealth. Moreover, many of the migrants who stay in their destination countries are playing a growing role in linking businesses in their home countries to enterprises in Europe.

· Conclusions

I have elaborated on the benefits and opportunities of migration, provided it is dealt with in a context that includes a contribution from the countries of destination, transit and origin, and as long it is guided by suitable integration policies.

I would like to conclude by stressing that:

(1) A passive and unilateral approach to migration, merely based on security issues, would be erroneous and unsuccessful.

(2) Protecting the rights of migrant workers benefits destination countries by preventing the development of an unprotected working underclass and by making it easier for migrants to integrate with their host society.

(3) Integration should not entail a denial of our founding values and principles. A multicultural approach should not allow certain cultural and religious groups to pursue aggressive strategies against our values – values such as individual rights, gender equality and respect for women.

(4) We need to protect ourselves against dangerous violations of our values and principles that could potentially destroy the fabric of our societies. But we also need to work hard to build up and pursue a positive approach to integration. We cannot neglect our traditions; nor can we overlook the fundamental rights that are such an important hallmark of our societies. For many years we unfortunately took this important heritage for granted.

(5) We need to think of integration as a process involving people who are highly motivated and who strongly desire to be part of the society they live in.

(6) In this context, pooling our efforts with those of the countries of origin and of transit makes us stronger not just when dealing with illegal migration, but also in seizing the opportunities embodied by migrants.

(7) That is why we need to adopt a comprehensive and active approach in a framework that facilitates integration and that helps us to exploit the great benefits generated by international migration. In other words, this global issue should be addressed through global actions: a coordinated European response and inclusive contributions from both the countries of transit and those of origin.

Thank you for your kind attention.

interview with the ambassador of the Republic of Congo in Italy from AfricanewsITALY on Vimeo.

Present at exposition no. 46, from 30 August to 5 September, will be numerous Italian firms representing the sectors of energy, construction, infrastructure, agriculture, agri-industry, consulting, transport, telecommunications, tourism and apparel. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Alfredo Mantica is scheduled to visit “Stand Italia” during his upcoming (1-3 September) mission to Mozambique.

Italy’s participation in FACIM, which in 2009 welcomed approximately 55 million visitors, is being made possible by the combined efforts of the Embassy in Maputo and the Italian Foreign Trade Institute (ICE).

Italy achieved impressive results with its firms at the 2009 Fair, where it was confirmed as Mozambique’s second partner worldwide (after Belgium), taking tenth place among European suppliers (moving up five compared with 2008) thanks to a 63% increase in exports.

Source: esteri.it

In his first public address since his return from a state visit to China, he said government respected the right of workers to go on strike in support of their demands.

“However, we reiterate that protest actions should be undertaken within the ambit of the law and basic human decency,” Zuma said.

He was speaking in Cape Town at the official funeral service of former deputy safety and security minister Joe Matthews.

Zuma, who was criticised by some union leaders for going to China while SA was in turmoil as a result of the ongoing public service strike, said government would always defend workers’ rights.

Caring government

Workers were the vanguard of the struggle for the improvement in the quality of life of all South Africans, particularly the poorest of the poor.

Government fully understood the frustrations caused by the legacy of low salaries and slow progression for some categories of workers, something the government had been addressing since 1994.

But workers’ actions while on strike should not deviate from the commitment of government and public servants to be a caring government and a caring society.

“The abandonment of patients, including babies in incubators, as well as schoolchildren, is difficult to comprehend and accept, no matter how sympathetic one is to the needs of workers,” Zuma said.

“We are confident that negotiators on both sides will find a solution soon, and help the country to get out of this unpleasant situation as quickly as possible.”

Source: SAPA
Photo: lynnefeatherstone

‘Now therefore in exercise of powers bestowed upon me by the Constitution of Kenya. “I Mwai Kibaki President and Commander in Chief of the Republic of Kenya declare that the constitution set out in the schedule shall be the new constitution of Kenya as from the August 27 2010,” this is the statement made by President Kibaki which signaled a new Kenya to the jubilation of an excited crowd at Nairobi’s Uhuru Park.

President Kibaki, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, arrived at Uhuru Park at 9.35am aboard the colourful military Land Rover and, accompanied by Chief of General Staff Jeremiah Kianga, inspected a guard of honour.

At around 10.20am Kibaki promulgated the new Constitution making it effective. He signed six copies, one of which will be placed in parliament.

After he signed the new law, the seal was affixed before Kibaki waved it to the cheering crowd. Fanfare and jubilation rent the park as the attendants broke into singing the three stanzas of Kenya’s National Anthem.

It was day like no other in the history of Kenya. Kenyans brazed the chilly Friday morning as they trooped to Uhuru Park to witness a new Kenya being reborn.

As early as 6am on Friday, the crowd at the historic park had swollen signifying the anticipation among Kenyans to see this day become a success.

Then dignitaries started streaming in park to the applause and jubilation from the crowd.

Comoros President Ahmed Abdalla Sambi arrived a few minutes earlier than Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Then came in Sudan President Omar Bashir followed by Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni.

The military displayed a colourful guard of honour awaiting arrival and inspection by the Commander-in-Chief, President Kibaki.

The Speaker of the National Assembly Kenneth Marende was among the first dignitaries to arrive at Uhuru Park to witness the historic moment.

The ceremony went on as planned with the crowds cheering in jubilation and ululations as dignitaries streamed in. One dignitary who however caused a stir is Sudan’s President, Omar Bashir.

Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity in his country.

“I am seated in a dais metres away from the main dais. The mood is, sorry, was great and palpable until Bashir walked in. How embarrassing for us! Am ashamed to have this man among us on this Day,’ said human rights lawyer Haroun Ndubi.

After Bashir then streamed in Ugandan President who waved to the crowd and proceeded to the dais to join other dignitaries already seated.

The attorney General Amos Wako later presented the promulgation instruments to President Kibaki.

After the president appended his signature on the new constitution, the three stanzas of the national anthem rent the air followed by hoisting the jumbo flag and a 21-gun salute. All this threw the crowd into a, frenzy.

By now the weather had become less chilly and excitement was maturing.

The chief Justice Evan Gicheru was sworn in before he swore in the President.

Prime Minister and Kalonzo Musyoka followed successively and the journey to a new Kenya had just begun.

Source: The Standard

Speaking August 24 in Vineyard Haven, Massachusetts, where President Obama is on holiday, John Brennan, the president’s assistant for counterterrorism and homeland security, said U.S. officials “are saddened today by the loss of life” in the attack, which was claimed by Somalia’s al-Shabaab militant group.

According to press reports, al-Shabaab gunmen, dressed as government security forces, killed two security guards at the Muna Hotel and proceeded to indiscriminately shoot residents, including lawmakers and government officials. The hotel is located in an area of the Somali capital that is under TFG control, and an al-Shabaab spokesman said August 24 that the attack targeted the Somali parliamentarians.

“This is a particularly outrageous act during the Islamic month of Ramadan. And al-Shabaab’s vision for Africa stands in sharp contrast to the vision of the overwhelming majority of Africans,” Brennan said.

“The United States will continue to partner with those who oppose terrorism, extremism and violence in all forms, and will continue to work very closely with those in Africa, particularly in the Horn of Africa in Somalia, who are interested in ensuring that Africa can build and realize its full potential and prosperity for all Africans,” he said.

Brennan said the Obama administration is working with countries and governments in Africa to share information and to “bolster their capability to repel and repulse any types of al-Shabaab efforts to carry out attacks in their countries.”

He said there is “some crossover” between al-Shabaab and al-Qaida, with some individuals operating within both organizations who are “dedicated to carrying out attacks not just inside of Somalia … but also outside of the area.”

Al-Shabaab has claimed responsibility for the July 11 suicide attacks in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, which killed more than 70 people who had gathered to watch the final FIFA World Cup match.

State Department Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs P.J. Crowley strongly condemned the attack against those staying at the hotel and offered condolences to the family and friends of the victims.

Speaking to reporters August 24, he said the incident “highlights al-Shabaab’s complete disregard for human life, Somali culture and Islamic values.”

“The terrorists appear to have been targeting Somali parliamentarians and other members of the Transitional Federal Government, further evidence that they are bent on depriving Somalia of security, peace and stability,” he said, and he reaffirmed the strong U.S. commitment to support the TFG and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

He also said the United States is “very grateful” to Uganda for its recent announcement that it is sending additional resources to support the AMISOM mission.

Source: allafrica.com

Heralded as “one of the finest contemporary African novelists” by Salman Rushdie, Nuruddin Farah is a contender for the Nobel Prize in literature for his beautiful and moving stories dealing with women’s liberation and government corruption in his native Somalia.

Much of his work has been influenced by the events that have shaped his country. He is also the winner of the prestigious Neustadt International Prize for Literature.

Nuruddin Farah at the Commonwealth Club (1/5)

Nuruddin Farah at the Commonwealth Club (2/5)

Nuruddin Farah at the Commonwealth Club (3/5)

Nuruddin Farah at the Commonwealth Club (4/5)

Nuruddin Farah at the Commonwealth Club (5/5)

Source: SomaliWriters

Johannesburg — THE future of Nedbank is again under speculation, after weekend reports that HSBC is the most likely buyer, this week, of Old Mutual ’s flagship asset in a deal potentially worth more than 5bn.

A report in the Financial Times said, without quoting sources, that HSBC had emerged as the front-runner to buy Nedbank, the smallest of the top four listed South African banks by market capitalisation. While this was not the first speculation about Nedbank’s future in the Old Mutual stable, it is the persistence of reports linking it to HSBC — and also recently to Standard Chartered Bank — that has raised eyebrows locally.

Analysts said yesterday that while it was known Old Mutual could eventually sell Nedbank, the current wave of speculation indicated that HSBC, Europe’s largest bank, had probably made some headway in its preliminary approach to Old Mutual.

Under JSE rules, both Nedbank and Old Mutual would have to issue a cautionary announcement to shareholders if a firm offer was made.

“The fact that we have not seen any so far means either the approaches have been very tentative or they have simply been rebuffed. But the speculation is not helping at all and at some stage, Old Mutual has to talk,” a banking source said yesterday.

A banking analyst, who declined to be named, said: “We know that Old Mutual is a likely seller of the Nedbank stake (and) we know it is likely to be through either HSBC or Standard Chartered. It will be a difficult one to orchestrate. For example, Nedbank would need a special dispensation to be able to repatriate proceeds offshore to Old Mutual shareholders. It is going to be a tricky deal, but it can unlock value for minorities.”

The UK-based head of investor relations at Old Mutual, Patrick Bowes, told Business Day yesterday the group would not comment on the Financial Times report.

Nedbank CEO Mike Brown said a sell-off would be a shareholder issue for its parent, Old Mutual. “As we have said before, this would primarily be a matter for Old Mutual to comment on,” Mr Brown said yesterday.

HSBC also refused to comment, according to Reuters.

Old Mutual has been under pressure from shareholders to sell assets that they believe are non- core to its business model. It has already sold its US life insurance business for 350m to hedge fund Harbinger Capital. CEO Julian Roberts said this had provided cash to reduce debts and to reinvest in core businesses.

Another banking source yesterday said a firm offer from HSBC would trigger a “beauty contest” with Standard Chartered. Earlier this month, Standard Chartered CEO Peter Sands said the emerging markets operator would expand through acquisitions.

HSBC’s CEO Michael Geoghegan — who has been relocated from its UK headquarters to Hong Kong to be closer to the Asian and emerging markets — was also keen to grow the lender’s presence in Africa.

Analysts said the government’s role in any sale of Nedbank would be critical, considering the Treasury’s reluctance to allow another top lender to be controlled by a foreign investor.

Source: allafrica.com
Photo  by: sunshinesoph

Other news sources: Forbes.com, Reuters.com, Reuters blog,

For the invisible heroes of four generations, who brought it to fruition. For those taken by the struggle, whose spirits we carry with us. For those who laboured for this and did not live to see it realised.

For the bereaved, displaced, dispossessed, raped, whose blood and suffering have watered this moment.

If victory means anything, it must mean the beginning of restitution…
brightness of joy how it
drips off our fingers
pools in our navels
gulps up the sun

thirst of our joy how it
swallows the highways
matatus and weaverbirds
rocket our ribs

tidal of joy how it
carries this country
anthems that surf
the green dazzle of trees

gentle of joy how it
melts out of garbage heaps
laps at the flex
of ten million walking legs
unhinges the pincers
of history’s heartbreaks
kisses them into the wind

here comes shadow here
comes shadow welcome
shadow sit with joy

i could cup all anger this moment
in the quiet of my joy
i could fold the world’s dementia
in the quiet of my joy
i could still the planet’s sirens
in the quiet
in the quiet
in the quiet of my…….

come to us like a thunderstorm
enter us like rain
sweep through us like a monsoon wind
then seed in us like flame
wake in us like an untold story
cry in us like a lone survivor
rip through us like a parturition
claw your way out of our bodies

pour and swallow what it takes
(and it takes everything)
surge and carry what it takes
(and it takes everything)
hold and cradle what it takes
every moment every breath
nothing less than everything
is what it takes
to dream

‘Katiba mpya’ = New constitution

by Shailja Patel

as published by PAMBAZUKA NEWS

Traore is experimenting with many styles from touareg music to peule, wassoulou, blues, flamenco, slam… both with electric and acoustic guitars.

Abdoulaye TRAORE will take the stage this Thursday 26 August by 20.30 in Paris. This is the address: Olympic Café, 20 rue Léon, 75018 Paris

www.myspace.com/traorabdoulayedebademba

For online show go to the WebTv of the Olympic Café on www.rueleon.net

“Monday August 23rd is International Slavery Remembrance Day

On this day the United Kingdom, shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the world, will commemorate the millions of enslaved Africans who suffered and died, and also celebrate the tireless struggle of millions for emancipation”.

For more informations on antislavery campaigns, go to http://www.antislavery.org/english/campaigns/default.aspx

On Wednesday reliefs teams have found the bodies of four people in the region of M’sila. Three people were also found dead in Djelfa.

Source: Afrik.com

Strike: Day 2

The walkout in pursuit of higher wages that started a day earlier has slowed the treatment of the sick and shut schools across Africa’s largest economy, worrying investors and adding pressure on the government to reach a deal.

The finance minister said he did not expect a protracted strike to have a major economic impact. But analysts have said the labour action, which includes customs workers, police and clerks, could slow commerce and trade.

Crowds in Soweto blocked a main road near a hospital running through the densely populated area, bringing traffic to a halt and preventing patients from entering.

“When they refused to move, minimum force had to be used. So rubber bullets were fired,” police spokesperson Captain Nondumiso Mpantsha said. Water cannon were also deployed and there were no major injuries, she said.

Six people, including two infants, died in a Johannesburg hospital and officials attributed the deaths to the walkout of medical personnel.

“We have been down this road before. Every time there is a strike, people die,” a hospital official said on local radio.

Troops and army medical personnel have been deployed to hospitals across South Africa.

The unions staged a one-day warning strike last week and said the action that began on Wednesday kicked off an indefinite walkout aimed at slowing the government to a halt.

Analysts expect a deal to be reached in the next few days at the earliest or by the start of September at the latest. Any pact is sure to swell state spending as the government tries to cut its deficit down from 6.7 percent of gross domestic product.

“We’re not seeing the impact in day-to-day figures, but certainly it would have an effect on sentiment,” said Nema Ramkhelawan, a currency analyst at Rand Merchant Bank.

Unions, which are set for a fresh round of negotiations on Friday, are demanding an 8.6-percent pay rise, more than double the inflation rate, and R1 000 a month for housing.

Last week the government raised the housing allowance to R700 from a previous offer of R630, but refused to increase its wage rise offer of seven percent.

The housing allowance alone would be equal to about 1 percent of all budget spending and the government has said it does not have the money to pay more.

“We had to make a choice between increasing the salary bill to unaffordable levels by meeting the union demands and cutting other urgently needed services,” the cabinet said in a statement.

Adding to the mix was a threat to expand in the coming days a strike of auto factory workers, who are seeking a 15 percent wage hike, to the car components sector. The autoworkers’ strike that began last week has slowed production in one of the country’s most important industries.

The state workers’ strike increases pressure on President Jacob Zuma’s ruling African National Congress to reach a deal with organised labour and appease the party’s longstanding union allies who also have been a reliable source of votes. – Reuters

By Jon Herskovitz

“Every week, we record more than 40 cases of acute malnutrition in our clinic,” Balkissa Issa, a nurse in the eastern region of Zinder told IPS.

Speaking to journalists, Mohamed Béavogui, director of the West and Central Africa division of the International Fund for Agricultural Development, confirmed the gravity of the crisis. “The situation for children is critical in Niger, but the response has been put in place to support women and children who are considered the most vulnerable by UNICEF and NGOs.”

He said the emergency aid by the government, its institutional partners and international NGOs took several forms, including providing subsidised grain, establishing work for food programmes, and distribution of food aid to the worst affected.

IPS spoke to Moustapha Kadi, a member of the ad hoc national committee coordinating activities for Niger’s 2010 Assistance Plan, about the relief efforts in late July.

“The cost of a subsidised sack of 100 kilogrammes of millet, maize or rice is 13,000 francs CFA (around $26), compared to over 20,000 FCFA ($40) in the open market. We have already supplied more than 60,000 tonnes of grain to the region on these terms,” he said.

“In conjunction with the World Food Programme, we also distributed around 53,000 tonnes for free in June and July 2010.”

A similar operation to distribute 30,000 tonnes was planned for August, including the distribution of basic rations to children between six and 23 months throughout the country, he said.

But due to a massive shortfall in donor funds, the WFP has been forced to adopt a scaled back plan for August.

WFP aid will now only be distributed to families with children under the age of two, who will receive 50 kilogrammes of grain, less than is necessary for families of seven or more, according to information released by Oxfam, which distributes food for the WFP.

“This is an appalling situation,” Oxfam Deputy Regional Director in West Africa Raphael Sindaye said. “We have known about this crisis for months and yet more than a million people in Niger will continue to starve over the coming weeks and perhaps months.”

Through Oxfam alerted the international community to an impending regional famine as early as November of last year, Robert Bailey, Region Campaigns and Policy Manager in West Africa for Oxfam, said there was a sluggish response from donor nations.

“International systems didn’t invest enough in the response,” Bailey said. “[Donors] didn’t step up until July, which is too slow. The money is just not available.”

Under the new plan, about 60 percent of the affected population will be left to rely on aid from the Nigerien government, which Bailey said does not have the capacity to meet their needs.

“There are very little government resources available,” Bailey said. “The logistic pipelines are just not there.”

With the 2010 harvest still two months off, Niger is now at the peak of its food crisis, but Bailey said the WFP plans to double food rations in September in response to this month’s shortfall.

Additionally, Oxfam will administer work programs and other initiatives in the coming months to re-establish communities that were affected by the crisis, Bailey said.

“When a community goes through a food crisis, they come out vulnerable,” Bailey said. “We’re moving out a short-term view and focusing on the medium and long-term view.

*Chris Stein in Johannesburg contributed to this report.

(END)

Source: ipsnews.net

The group believes the policy will not only tremendously benefit people of northern extraction, but Ghanaians as a whole.

This was contained in press statement issued in Accra.

Below is the full statement issued by the group.
PRESS RELEASE BY NORTHERN GHANA YOUTH NETWORK FOR DEVELOPMENT (NGYND) ON THE PASSAGE OF THE SAVANNA ACCELERATED DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY (SADA) BILL ON AUGUST 10, 2010.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

The Northern Ghana Youth Network for Development (NGYND) congratulates the Professor Mills-led NDC Administration for the passage of the Savanna Accelerated Development Authority (SADA) Bill. NGYND further wishes to commend the Parliament of Ghana for the attention devoted to the SADA Bill since its first reading in Parliament through to its passage. We are particularly appreciative of efforts of Members of the House for burying their political differences and putting a strong voice in the build up to the enactment of the SADA legislation which in NGYND’s view would inure to the public good of Ghanaians as a whole.

In the view of NGYND apart from the Northern Scholarship Programme introduced by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the Northern Development Fund as introduced by the NPP-led administration and SADA as introduced by President Mills’ administration are by far in our history the most comprehensive development blue prints tilted objectively towards a revolutionary transformation of the economy of Northern Ghana.

The SADA development agenda is particularly attractive taking cognizance of its all-encompassing form especially in agricultural development, human resource enhancement, industrialization, economic and social infrastructure. Thus, achieving the set goals is not farfetched especially if government speeds up the construction of the Bui Hydro Electric Project which will ensure security of power supply needed to fuel the laudable projects being pursued particularly the industrialization component.

NGYND further takes note of the fact that the illiteracy rates of the three Northern Regions of Ghana are quite disturbing and needs urgent attention if SADA is to start on a good footing. The rate for Upper West is even below the national average of 56%. Comparatively, the population growth rates of the North are above the national average of 3%. SADA’s goal of industrial development will thus be an illusion if we continue to have large sections of the society outside the literacy bracket. Whiles general literacy should be supported through the construction of new schools, motivation for teachers and scholarships for brilliant students to seek higher education, of particular interest to the success of SADA is technical education and agricultural technology transformation. SADA should therefore consider sponsoring students from the three northern regions to study in technical education both home and abroad to constitute the technical class to fast track the industrialization dimension of SADA.

It is the view of NGYND that the SADA model should consider as a priority drastic transformation of the transportation network, telecommunication, electricity and good drinking water in most parts of Northern Ghana in order to serve as incentives to attract investors. It is therefore imperative for government to make do its promise to extend railway lines to the North and to also consider building an international airport for Cargo transport in Northern Ghana. This will facilitate export of cash crops and other non-traditional exports such as sorghum and sheanut to be developed under SADA. It will also promote economic integration with our neighbours such as Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Niger and Mali.

For us in NGYND the most noticeable challenge facing the North and likely to undermine SADA is the absence of peace in some parts of the North. Whiles both justice and peace are being pursued to resolve these conflicts; it is germane for northerners to recognize that the pursuance of peace and justice ought not to be at the expense of poverty eradication. Underdevelopment breeds conflicts and conflicts deepen underdevelopment. Both justice and peace are necessary for development but it is also possible to pursue justice and peace alongside development activities. We must be able to achieve peace, justice and development simultaneously.

NGYND also notes with concern the seeming disunity between ethnic groups and disunity among regions in within Northern Ghana. In order for SADA to succeed, we as a people must wake up to the reality that we are the same and our friends from the South do not see any differences amongst us whether from the Upper East, Upper West or Northern Regions. Our developmental challenges and solutions are closely related.

Henceforth, we must therefore find a common ground to spearhead a united development agenda. To this effect, NGYND has put together a NORTHERN GHANA YOUTH DEVELOPMENT SUMMIT to come off in October prior to the launch of SADA. The Summit is themed ” Bridging the Capacity Gap of the Northern Youth: Issues, Challenges and Strategies for an Accelerated Savannah Youth Development.” for the youth drawn from the three northern regions of Ghana: Upper East, Upper West and Northern Regions. NGYND also seeks to serve as a non partisan organization monitor closely the implementation of SADA to ensure that the objectives of the programme are not jeopardized.

As a conclusion, NGYND observes that if we have to fight poverty in the three Northern regions, we have to first free the mental poverty of our people. We need education, mental reorientation and awareness. We need to develop the ‘can do’ spirit as an integral part of our developmental process. For about half of a century now, some of us from the North have tried to glorify poverty as if we are condemned to be poor. This mindset has perpetuated our social fibre and has enslaved our potentials and abilities.

May we live to see SADA takeoff and succeed. Long live Northern Ghana and Ghana as a whole. Thank you.

SIGNED
Muhammed A. Yakubu
Executive Director-NGYND

Established by the UN General Assembly on December 17, 1999, the UN Session endorsed the recommendation made by the 1st World Conference of Ministers responsible for Youth that met in Lisbon in 1998 and agreed that August 12 of every year, be declared the International Youth Day.

According to a journalist who wants to remain anonymous, the atmosphere was tensed on Election Day and the media was totally in bed with the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front of Paul Kagame.

AfricaNews spoke to one of the journalists:

AfricaNews: What is the general mood in Rwanda?

Journalist: The general mood in Rwanda (Kigali where I live in particular) is a state of fear and awe. Members of the ruling RPF are all over the streets but no major incident has been reported yet.

AfricaNews: How would you describe the election?

Journalist: The election that took place was characterized by an atmosphere of intimidation and it was undemocratic. There was no real opposition contesting incumbent president Paul Kagame. The three other candidates were all supporters of Kagame since 2003. They had supported him and praised his tenure and have refused to call themselves opposition. Their policies were not different from the ruling RPF. It’s unfortunate.

AfricaNews: How free is the media to report on the political situation?

Journalist: Since Umuseso, Umuvugizi and Umurabyo, the three independent and critical papers have been closed down and their reporters killed, imprisoned or fled Rwanda, there is no independent media in Rwanda. The radio and television stations and other papers only report the views of the government. For instance, Victoire Ingabire, Bernard Ntaganda and Frank Habineza, the leaders of the opposition have never been given fair reporting in any of the local media.

AfricaNews: How would you describe the status of press freedom in Rwanda?

Journalist: Press freedom is a myth. It does not exist at all, and people know it very well. Journalists who try to criticize the government or to give a space to the opposition are seen as enemies of Rwanda. Even the BBC and the VOA have on several occasions been harassed for their editorial line and for giving space to “genocide deniers” (understand “all those who don’t agree with the RPF leadership or Kagame methods” or “all those who call for equal justice for all the victims of the Tutsi genocide and the mass killings of Hutu in Rwanda and DDRC”).

AfricaNews: What do you think of the press centre recently opened by the government?

Journalist: Press centre? It’s a good idea. But which press is in Rwanda, that’s the issue. The government of Rwanda is very malicious. It controls everything including the media. The press centre is just a mirage to make them look good in the eyes of the public.

Source: AfricaNews

The video report of Fashion411

Beside the cities of Riace and Stignano, Caulonia is well known in Calabria and beyond as “comune dell’accoglienza” (welcoming city) because they experimented successully that foreigners can help preventing little cities in poor regions, such as Calabria, to get poorer because they have no more citizens living and working there. Therefore foreigners, guided through a barely known national programme of the interior ministry, can revitilise a local economy giving jobs both to Italians and migrants.

“The Italian council of ministers (the government) also approved – as stated on www.governo.it – cancellation of the extraordinary recent rule introduced in the municipal statute of Caulonia (Reggio Calabria), which extend the right to vote to stateless persons and to foreign nationals legally residing in Italy and residents in the municipality”.

Mrs Campbell is talking to judges of the Court in The Hague in the prosecution for war crimes and other 11 charges to former Liberian president Charles Taylor.

According to results from the Interim Independent Electoral Commission (IIEC), the Yes side had 4,141,521 votes (67 per cent) against the No camp’s 2,054,946 (33 per cent).

With a lead of more than two million votes, and quite a few Yes strongholds still to report, it seemed not even a miracle could turn the tides in favour of the No camp. Indeed as dawn approached, it looked likely that the Yes vote could even climb to at least 70 per cent.

The law requires that for the proposed constitution to pass, more than 50 per cent of the voters who turn out must support it.

The Yes campaign, led by President Kibaki, 79, and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, 65, had a disorganised start, although opinion polls consistently showed them leading.

The No group, led by several churches, a few dissident ministers, most notably Higher Education minister William Ruto, and former president Daniel arap Moi, 86, looked in good early form.

More impassioned, and exploiting the emotional issues of abortion, which it claimed (inaccurately) was being legalised by the proposed constitution through an ambiguous clause, and the fact the (Islamic family) kadhi courts had been retained, the No side was on message straight from when the whistle blew.

However, the document was loaded with too many attractive clauses to lose. Its bill of rights is easily the most ambitious in Africa. It dramatically reduces the power of the president, expands parliamentary oversight over the executive, and provides for dual citizenship.

For a country where almost every middle class family has at least one child living or working abroad, mostly in the west, this clause was a difficult one to defeat.

For Mr Kibaki, the victory allows him to refurbish his reformist credentials and leave behind a worthy legacy when he retires in 2012. The President had been tarnished by the December 2007 election, which he was widely seen to have won fraudulently. The dispute over the results led to the worst political violence Kenya had witnessed since its independence in 1964.

1,133 people were killed in the violence and 650,000 displaced. Kenya stepped back from the brink only after a negotiated settlement led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan resulted in a 50-50 power-sharing between Kibaki and his main rival, Raila Odinga, who is now prime minister in the coalition government that was formed.

For Mr Odinga, the success of the Yes, which he led for several weeks alone before Kibaki joined the fray, bolsters his presidential hopes in 2012.

Indeed the votes from his home region of Nyanza and Western were dizzyingly high, weighing it at 92 and 80 per cent respectively.

Big names, big money, and state machinery served the Yes side well, but they were also gifted by Moi’s high profile role on the No side. Mr Moi was hugely unpopular, and Kenyans tend to treat him like the mad uncle who is locked away in the attic. They will let him be, as long as he doesn’t intervene too much in politics.

At the height of the campaigns, he got in a verbal spat with an unusually animated Kibaki. If that did anything, it seems to have convinced nearly all the undecided voters to fall on the Yes side. Commentators noted that every time Mr Moi opened his mouth to criticise the proposed constitution, he recruited 1,000 votes for the Yes.

For Kenya as a country, a Yes vote is also some form of national redemption. In December 2002, Kenya became the first country in the wider Eastern Africa where an opposition ousted a long-ruling party through a democratic vote.

But the euphoria soon dissipated as the opposition coalition descended into bickering and the same kind of corruption that had discredited the Moi regime. The post-election violence that followed the December 2007 poll, enveloped Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy, in a cloud of despair and self-doubt.

With this referendum, the interim election commission organised easily the most efficient and open vote in Africa. And, after being caught asleep on the job last time, this time the security services left nothing to chance.

Security forces were deployed in large numbers in the volatile Rift Valley, where most of the last post-election and displacements took place.

Source: Nation.co.ke

The stadium’s capacity has increased from 84 000 to 88 000 and since its facelift, it will be the first time a domestic tournament is held there with the return of the popular pre-season tournament to the calabash-shaped stadium.

The last edition was held in the North West because the stadium was then under construction, and there will be no deviation from the high logistic standards that were set during the World Cup, including transport, safety and security.

Stadium management’s Jacques Grobler reminds people that one of the important aspects of planning for the World Cup was to leave a legacy which needs to be turned into daily operations of the stadium as well as of the events held.

Voting for the four participating teams is now closed, but it looks certain that debutantes AmaZulu will join the big three, Kaizer Chiefs, Mamelodi Sundowns and Orlando Pirates in the semi-finals. The four teams will be announced today.

Meanwhile, an urgent court application brought by First National Bank regarding naming rights will be heard in the South Gauteng High Court today. It is said the public will be encouraged to give their take on the name Soccer City.

They will also give their opinion on names like the Calabash, which might still be among the favourites with members of the public. The stadium will host two other big events this month: next week’s Bafana Bafana/Ghana match and the Tri-Nations encounter between the Springboks and the All Blacks on the 21st.

The Bafana game against Ghana is also expected to be a sold-out affair.

Source: SABC News online

So far, results for 37 out 210 constituencies have been posted.

Official tally at 1,287,757 for Yes and 527,282 for No.

Source: nation.co.ke

The recent African Union (AU) summit in Kampala saw SA come under significant pressure to send troops to bolster Ugandan and Burundian peacekeepers in Somalia.

African leaders, however, were not the only ones applying the pressure. It seems the Americans and Europeans are also pressur ing the South African government to support the initiative.

And this pressure is having some effect. This was apparent from a statement by International Relations and Co-operation Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, who in an interview on the BBC indicated that SA would wait for a formal request and deliberate on the matter. While cautious not to commit, Nkoana- Mashabane did intimate that the matter would be given serious consideration by the South African government.

The only voice of caution seems to be from Defence Minister Lindiwe Sisulu , who warned the portfolio defence committee in Parliament that SA runs the risk of terrorist bombings should it decide to send troops to Somalia.

The obvious retort to this concern is likely to be that SA cannot have its foreign policy dictated by the fear of terrorist threats — whether by Somalia’s Islamist insurgency group, al-Shabab, or anyone else. Moreover, as advocates of sending in the troops are likely to remind us, SA’s prestige in Africa will be severely impaired if it refuses to assist other African countries due to a fear of becoming a terrorist target.

Apart from terrorist threats, there are much more serious grounds on which to establish the argument for not sending troops to Somalia. The essential purpose of sending troops into Somalia or anywhere else is to make a difference on the ground. But SA’s deployment of a few thousand troops in Somalia is unlikely to fundamentally change matters on the ground. It may enable better protection of the Presidential Palace and the general political leadership in the capital, Mogadishu, but the addition of a few thousand troops is not going to change the situation in the rest of the country, large swathes of which are already controlled by al-Shabab.

The net effect is that SA’s participation is likely to be only symbolic. Yet such symbolism must be balanced against the risk of failure, and the effect this would be likely to have on SA’s reputation as a regional power.

More importantly, failure and the higher risk of terrorist bombings may turn domestic opinion against peacekeeping operations on the continent and make it increasingly difficult in the future for the government to pursue its African objectives. Perhaps most importantly, sending in the troops runs the risk of making belligerent foreign actors and their continental proxies think that there are no consequences to their adventurous behaviour.

After all, the mess that is now Somalia is not simply a product of domestic developments. While Somalia has for two decades been a failed state, an uneasy stability had emerged by the start of the new millennium, at least until the Ethiopian invasion in December 2006.

Encouraged by the US, which saw it as a way to advance its “war on terror”, the Ethiopians entered Somalia thinking it would be a short incursion through which they could establish a proxy regime. Instead, they soon found themselves mired in a long-term war they could not win. The invasion had the effect of radicalising and militarising what until then had been a relatively benign but conservative Islamic movement, provoking an outright civil war.

Many, including SA, warned that this would be the outcome. But Ethiopia and its western patrons refused to heed the warning. In addition, the AU did not act forcefully enough against Ethiopia, allowing a bad domestic situation to deteriorate into what has now become a regional crisis. Essentially, what we now have is a case of SA being asked to go in and assist with the clean-up of a mess that was created by others.

Obviously a simple “we told you so” response is not appropriate in the circumstances. But neither is an uncritical intervention. The only intervention that would be justifiable is a qualified one that exacts a price from the belligerent external actors, and that is a service and support to an alternative political agenda. One such price could be underwriting part of the cost of any peacekeeping and political intervention.

Another could be the exclusion of the protagonists from any process to determine a political solution. And a political solution should be the key aim of any agenda to send in our troops. Such a political agenda should consist of three elements.

First, it must involve all domestic stakeholders engaged in the conflict. Second, it must incorporate a societal reconciliation programme that has been successfully implemented in other parts of Africa.

Finally, democratic elections must be held as soon as is feasible, with a commitment from all domestic, regional and foreign players that the outcome will be respected. With regards to the latter, regional and foreign actors must be constrained from imposing their own proxies in Somalia.

Only on the terms of such an alternative political agenda can SA argue convincingly that it is not the proxy of the previous aggressors. Moreover, such an alternative political agenda would legitimise SA’s deployment of troops as it would complement a political and reconciliation process.

In the end it may even enable SA to avoid the kind of terrorist attacks to which others have been subjected. It is by no means assured that the AU, regional players or foreign governments such as the US and the European countries would accept these political terms for SA’s engagement.

If they do not, SA should walk away and not send its troops to Somalia. On the other hand, in the unlikely event that these terms are agreed to, SA could send its troops as peacekeepers since it would not only have the effect of at least giving us the opportunity to unravel the mess created by the US and Ethiopia, but it would also bolster SA’s peacekeeping credentials.

After all, is this not one of the primary objectives of SA’s Africa agenda?

Source: Business Day online

Jacob Zuma has assured the world that he respects international law, but he’d face the AU if SA did arrest Sudan’s president

More than a year after the African Union (AU) unanimously passed a resolution committing member states to refrain from acting on a warrant of arrest issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, there is still ambiguity over South Africa’s position on the matter.

An assurance by President Jacob Zuma that South Africa respects international law and would fulfil its obligations as a signatory to the establishment of the ICC in 2002 has confused rather than clarified his administration’s stand on the conflicting demands of the ICC warrant of arrest and the AU resolution.

In an apparent attempt to reconcile the contradiction between his commitment to respect international law and arrest al-Bashir should he set foot on South African soil, Zuma said, as Kenneth Mubu of the DA has noted: “(The AU) did not say we must not arrest al-Bashir.”

Perhaps Zuma, struggling under the opposing demands of doublethink, or holding two contrary notions in his mind at the same time, felt compelled to reinterpret or even rephrase the AU resolution of 3 July last year to reconcile it with his parliamentary statement.

The fact remains that the AU resolution states unequivocally that member states “shall not co-operate” with the ICC in exercising its warrant of arrest against al-Bashir and that the South African representatives did not oppose it, or even abstain from voting, but simply allowed it to be adopted unanimously.

Further compounding the confusion is the juxtaposition of two events: Zuma’s statement of South Africa’s commitment to fulfilling its statutory obligation to the ICC; and the departure for Khartoum a day or two later of Performance Monitoring and Evaluation Minister Collins Chabane as South Africa’s official representative at al-Bashir’s inauguration after an election that elicited scepticism rather than enthusiasm from opposition parties.

The charges against al-Bashir are extremely serious: crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.

They arise from his alleged complicity in the attacks on the people of Darfur by the pro-government Janjaweed militia, resulting in the killing of between 200 000 and 400 000 people, according to outside observers.

Even if these figures are overestimates, there is no doubt that Darfur, in western Sudan, was the scene of ethic cleansing by the killing and displacement of tens of thousands of people.

As a state that prides itself on its commitment to human rights, South Africa should, at the least, be coolly aloof in its dealing with the al-Bashir regime until and unless al-Bashir is acquitted of the charges against him, the more so as he originally came to power as the leader of a military coup against Sadiq al-Mahdi’s coalition government in 1989.

As the New York-based Human Rights Watch urged at the time, states that were signatories to the founding statutes of the ICC should boycott the inauguration of al-Bashir to signal their concern at the grave changes levelled against him by an international court.

South Africa is not only a signatory to the founding statutes but, as important, has integrated it into the South African legal system via the International Criminal Court Act of 2002.

One of the problems relating to the |ICC is the recurring – but by no means universal – perception in Africa that it is biased against Africa and Africans. The perception is fuelled by the fact that all of the five current cases before the court involve Africans and African governments.

But, as pointed out by Franny Rabkin in Business Day, Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo has dismissed the perception as factually unsustainable for a simple reason: of the five cases involving Africa and African leaders, three were requested by African governments.

The three African governments are those of Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic. The remaining two African states are Kenya and Sudan.

In Uganda the ICC investigation focused on attacks on civilians along its northern border, allegedly by the Lord’s Resistance Army, its leader, Joseph Kony, and three of his lieutenants.

In the DRC the alleged criminals are “warlords” accused of involvement in atrocities against civilians.

In the Central African Republic they related to the alleged crimes against humanity committed by Jean-Pierre Bemba, who was defeated by Joseph Kabila in the 2006 presidential election in the DRC.
In Kenya there was widespread support from civilians for an ICC investigation of the violence that ravaged the country after the disputed election of late 2007, though the government did not request it.

The ICC investigation of the violence in Darfur that led to the indictment of al-Bashir was launched at the request of the UN Security Council, presumably with the backing of its rotating African representatives at the time and most certainly with the support of the hapless residents of Darfur.

Justice Ngcobo offered another reason for supporting the ICC investigations in Africa: the fact that it has been the site of serious violations of human rights.

Neither did he agree with the argument that the ICC investigation necessarily constituted an obstacle to settlement negotiations, observing that justice was an important prerequisite for peace.

The suicide bomb attacks on civilians in Uganda on July 11 constitute another reason for empowering the ICC by supporting its endeavours to extend the reach of international criminal justice in Africa as extensively as possible.

The detonation of two bombs at localities in or near Kampala, where people were watching the final of the World Cup in South Africa on TV, resulted in the deaths of nearly 80 people.

The Somali-based Islamist movement al-Shabaab, which is reportedly linked to Osama Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda terror network, claimed responsibility for the bombings. It cited the presence in Somalia of Uganda soldiers as part of an AU force sent there to bolster the authority of Somalia’s transitional government, as the reason for the terror bombing.

By protecting even one high-ranking politician from having to account for his actions in the ICC, the AU encourages politicians everywhere in Africa to assume that they will be shielded against investigation and indictment by the ICC.

By doing so the AU will contribute to a revival of the culture of impunity from international justice that was rife in post-colonial Africa until Charles Taylor, a former Liberian president, was indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity in March 2003 in a UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone.

Source: The Star online

The Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) – an international treaty that prohibits the use of cluster bombs, a type of explosive weapon which scatters submunitions (”bomblets”) over an area – entered into force on Sunday.

This notable event occurred six months after it was ratified by 30 states, who will now be bound to never use such munitions ever again. As of Sunday 1 August, 38 states have ratified it and another 70 have signed but not yet ratified it.

The CCM prohibits the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of cluster munitions, and requires states to clear contaminated land, destroy existing stockpiles and provide care and assistance to victims of cluster munitions.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement strongly support the CCM.

“This new instrument of international humanitarian law clearly prohibits and stigmatises the use of cluster munitions,” said Jakob Kellenberger, the President of the ICRC. “This is a milestone in the fight against the use of cluster munitions and should put an end to decades of suffering for men, women and children. We take this opportunity to call on all states party to the convention to start implementing it without delay, and we hope that the entry into force will also affect the practice of states that have not yet adhered to the treaty.”

The CCM’s entry into force comes a mere 21 months after the treaty was opened for signature in Oslo, Norway on 3 December 2008.

This is a comparatively short period of time in multilateral treaty-making terms, and the speed with which this convention has entered into force compares favourably with the entry into force of other major weapons treaties that have been widely ratified.

For example, within two years of their being opened for signature, the 1993 Chemical Weapons Conventions had been ratified by 20 states; the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention by 29 States; and the 1997 Anti-personnel Mine Ban Convention by 87 states.

The entry into force of the CCM also means that states can now begin preparing for the first Meeting of States Parties, which will be held in November in Vientiane, Laos. This will be the first collective opportunity for states to begin to implement the CCM’s obligations.

The meeting will furthermore adopt an action plan outlining specific objectives to help ensure that the convention brings relief to affected communities. Participation in the first meeting is open to all governments and all states are urged to attend. States that have not signed or ratified the convention are able to attend as observers.

It is noteworthy that the first Meeting of States Parties is being held in Laos, the country most heavily affected by cluster munitions. The ICRC estimates that between 9 and 27 million unexploded submunitions remain in Laos, with some 11 000 people already having been killed or injured, more than 30 percent of whom were children.

Other states and territories affected by cluster munitions include Afghanistan, Albania, Angola, Azerbaijan (including Nagorno-Karabakh), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambodia, Chad, Croatia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Georgia, Grenada, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kosovo, Kuwait, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Montenegro, Morocco (including Western Sahara), Russian Federation (Chechnya), Saudi Arabia, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Syria, Tajikistan, Uganda, UK (Falklands/Malvinas), Vietnam, Yemen, and Zambia.

Implementing the provisions of the CCM will require the mobilisation of resources to clear contaminated areas, destroy stockpiles, and provide assistance for those whose lives have been adversely affected by cluster munitions. It will also require the adoption of domestic laws and regulations to ensure that the CCM is enforced at national level.

Through its Advisory Service on International Humanitarian Law, the ICRC is able to offer states technical assistance and advice to prepare this legislation.The ICRC calls on all states to adhere to this important instrument immediately. States that have signed but not yet ratified the convention are urged to ratify this important instrument of international humanitarian law as soon as possible.

For further information, please visit the ICRC’s website (www.icrc.org) or contact the ICRC’s Pretoria Regional Delegation.

Source: Pretoria News online